Es nuestra edad de ubicuos teléfonos inteligentes y redes sociales convirtiéndose en una era de disturbios civiles masivos? Dos años después de celebrar un referéndum de independencia y declarar unilateralmente la independencia en desafío al Estado español, y luego no obtener el reconocimiento por la república y al verse obligado a ver a los líderes políticos encarcelados o exiliados, el movimiento secesionista de Cataluña ha resurgido con un gran revuelo.
Una de las primeras acciones de protesta programadas por un nuevo grupo de activistas en línea, que se hace llamar Tsunami Democràtic, vio a miles de manifestantes reuniéndose el lunes en el aeropuerto de Barcelona, en un intento de cerrarlo. La protesta no hizo eso, pero condujo a una interrupción importante, con carreteras bloqueadas por el tráfico humano mientras los manifestantes caminaban por la carretera y la cancelación de más de 100 vuelos, más horas de demoras para los viajeros que llegaban a El Prat.
Durante meses previos a un veredicto importante de la Corte Suprema sobre el destino de los líderes políticos catalanes encarcelados a ‘elite técnica‘, Como lo describió un académico local de ciencias políticas esta semana, se ha estado preparando para reiniciar el movimiento de independencia de Cataluña mediante el desarrollo de herramientas de protesta de alta tecnología descentralizadas y personalizadas.
Una fuente con conocimiento de Tsunami Democràtic, hablando con TechCrunch bajo condición de anonimato, nos dijo que los "desarrolladores de alto nivel" ubicados en todo el mundo están involucrados en el esfuerzo, dividiendo las tareas de codificación según cualquier proyecto de TI a gran escala y aprovechando el código abierto recursos (como el RetroShare plataforma de red basada en nodos) para canalizar el apoyo de base para la independencia en una red de campaña resistente que no puede ser detenida por el arresto de unos pocos líderes.
Los manifestantes en el aeropuerto el lunes respondieron directamente a una llamada para bloquear la terminal principal publicada en el canal Telegram del grupo.
Se están planificando y programando oleadas adicionales de protesta a través de una medida Aplicación Tsunami Democràtic eso también se lanzó esta semana para teléfonos inteligentes Android, como una carga lateral, aún no una descarga de Google Play.
La aplicación está destinada a complementar las transmisiones de la plataforma de redes sociales convencionales mediante la movilización de grupos de seguidores más pequeños y localizados para llevar a cabo actos pacíficos de desobediencia civil en toda Cataluña.
Nuestra fuente nos guió a través de la aplicación, que requiere permiso de ubicación para funcionar para que los administradores puedan asignar los recursos humanos disponibles para coordinar las protestas. Se nos dice que la ubicación precisa de un usuario no se comparte, sino que se envía un marcador de ubicación confuso y más difuso. Sin embargo, el código fuente de la aplicación aún no se ha abierto, por lo que los usuarios tienen que tomar tales reclamos de confianza (se dice que el plan es el código abierto, pero solo una vez que la aplicación ha sido eliminada de cualquier rastro de identificación, según la fuente).
La aplicación requiere un código QR para activarse. Esta es una medida de seguridad destinada a gestionar la activación por etapas, a través de círculos de confianza de conocidos, para limitar el riesgo de infiltración por parte de las autoridades estatales. Aunque se siente un poco como una táctica de gamificación viral para alentar a las personas a correr la voz y generar publicidad orgánicamente preguntándoles a sus amigos si tienen un código o no.
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Lo que sea realmente para la charla parece estar funcionando. Durante nuestra reunión tomando un café, escuchamos a un grupo de personas sentadas en otra mesa hablando sobre la aplicación. Y al momento de escribir este artículo, Tsunami Democràtic ha anunciado hasta ahora 15,000 activaciones exitosas de códigos QR. Aunque no está claro qué tan exitoso será el plan de juego de desobediencia civil de flashmob previsto en esta etapa naciente.
Una vez activados, los usuarios de la aplicación deben especificar su disponibilidad (es decir, días y horas del día) para llevar a cabo acciones de desobediencia civil. Y para especificar si poseen ciertos recursos de movilidad que podrían utilizarse como parte de una protesta (por ejemplo, automóvil, scooter, bicicleta, tractor).
Ejemplos de acciones potenciales que nos describió nuestra fuente fueron retrasos para detener el tráfico y frenados compras ilegales dirigidas a supermercados donde los activistas podrían pasar unas horas acumulando carros llenos de mercancías antes de dejarlos abandonados en la tienda para que alguien más los abandone. limpiar.
Una acción temprana real llevada a cabo por activistas del grupo el mes pasado apuntó a una sucursal del CaixaBank local con una sentada de protesta enmascarada.
Nuestra fuente dijo que la intención es incluir una ventana emergente en la aplicación como una especie de contrato de conciencia que pide a los usuarios que confirmen que la participación en el caos organizado será completamente pacífica. Aquí hay un ejemplo de lo que el comprometo parece:
También se les pide a los usuarios que confirmen su intención de participar en una próxima acción (lo que significa que la aplicación capturará los números de asistencia para protestas antes de tiempo) y que se registren cuando lleguen allí para que sus administradores puedan rastrear la participación real en tiempo real.
La aplicación no solicita ningún dato personal durante la incorporación, no se crea una cuenta, etc., aunque los usuarios aceptan que se rastree de forma generalizada su ubicación.
Y al menos es posible que otros datos personales puedan pasarse a través de, por ejemplo, un campo de envío de comentarios que permita a las personas enviar comentarios sobre las acciones. O si la aplicación termina grabando otros datos a través del acceso a sensores de teléfonos inteligentes.
El otro punto clave es que los usuarios solo ven acciones relacionadas con su disponibilidad establecida y la ubicación rastreada. Entonces, desde el punto de vista de un manifestante, solo ven una pequeña parte del programa de protesta Democrática del Tsunami. La vista del usuario está descentralizada y la información se distribuye estrictamente por partes, según sea necesario.
Detrás de escena, donde los administradores desconocidos están accediendo a sus datos e ideando y administrando acciones de protesta para distribuir a través de la aplicación, puede haber una visión completamente centralizada de los recursos de protesta humanos disponibles. Pero no está claro cómo se ve el otro lado de la plataforma. Nuestra fuente no pudo mostrárnoslo ni articular cómo se ve.
Ciertamente, los administradores están en condiciones de cancelar las acciones planificadas si, por ejemplo, no hay suficiente participación, lo que significa que pueden administrar de manera invisible las ópticas externas en torno al compromiso con la causa. ¿No hay suficientes soldados de a pie para una protesta planificada? Simplemente cancela en silencio a través de la aplicación.
Tampoco está del todo claro: ¿quiénes son las fuerzas impulsoras detrás de la máscara de protesta de Tsunami Democràtic?
"No hay cerebro pensante, hay muchos cerebros", dijo un portavoz del movimiento al El diario Periódico esta semana. Pero eso plantea preguntas bastante importantes sobre la legitimidad democrática. Porque, bueno, si afirmas estar luchando por la democracia movilizando el apoyo popular, y lo estás haciendo desde dentro de una democracia occidental, ¿puedes realmente afirmar eso mientras tu organización permanece en la sombra?
Incluso si su objetivo es una protesta política no violenta, y su jerarquía está genuinamente descentralizada, que es el reclamo sugerente aquí, a menos que esté ofreciendo transparencia de la estructura para que la composición y la administración de su movimiento sean visibles para el escrutinio externo (para que sus reclamos de legitimidad democrática puedan verificarse de forma independiente), entonces los manifestantes individuales (los usuarios finales de la aplicación) solo tienen que tomar su palabra.
Los usuarios finales que reciben un crowdsourcing y son cooptados para actuar mediante instrucciones de la aplicación como si fueran peones en un tablero de ajedrez de alta tecnología. También se les pide (implícitamente) asumir el riesgo personal directo para que un movimiento sin rostro genere una presión política de abajo hacia arriba.
Por lo tanto, aquí hay una contradicción preocupante para un movimiento que ha elegido incluir la palabra "democrático" en su nombre. (La marca es un referencia a una fase utilizada por el líder cultural catalán encarcelado, Jordi Cuixart.) ¿Quién o qué está impulsando esta ola?
Ahora también sabemos muy bien cómo la naturaleza de doble cara de las plataformas significa que estos canales tecnosociales de flujo rápido pueden ser malversados fácilmente por grupos de interés motivados para gamificar y manipular opiniones (e incluso acciones) en masa. Esto se ha dejado muy claro en los últimos años con campañas de desinformación política que se están extendiendo a la vista en todo el sitio en línea.
Entonces, aunque los mensajes de protesta política llenos de emojis que piden a las personas que se movilicen en una esquina particular de la calle pueden parecer un poco inofensivos de diversión urbana al estilo 'Pokemon Go', el resultado final puede, y esta semana, ha sido mucho menos predecible y más riesgoso que su El empaque gamificado podría sugerir
Muchas protestas se han disparado pacíficamente, ciertamente. Otros, a menudo los que ocurren después del anochecer y hasta altas horas de la noche, se han convertido en escenas feas y choques destructivos.
Claramente, existe un gran desafío para los movimientos descentralizados (y de hecho tecnologías) cuando se trata de crear estructuras de gobierno legítimas que no simplemente repitan las jerarquías de las autoridades y sistemas existentes (centralizados) que buscan desafiar.
La incapacidad de la comunidad criptográfica amante de la anarquía para unirse para progresar con la tecnología blockchain parece su propia ironía autodestructiva. Un movimiento sin rostro que lucha por la "democracia" desde detrás de una máscara de aplicación que permite que sus tiradores de cuerdas de élite y los procesadores de datos permanezcan fuera de la vista corre el riesgo de verse como otro.
Ninguno de los manifestantes con los que hemos hablado podría decir con certeza quién está detrás de Tsunami Democràtic. Uno sugirió que solo eran "ciudadanos" o, de lo contrario, las mismas personas que ayudaron a organizar el referéndum de independencia catalán de 2017, gestionando el movimiento de papeletas dentro y fuera de una red no oficial de colegios electorales para que los votos pudieran ser recolectados y contados a pesar de las mejores autoridades españolas. esfuerzos para apoderarse de ellos y destruirlos.
También hubo un sofisticado esfuerzo de apoyo tecnológico en el momento para apoyar la votación y garantizar que la información sobre los colegios electorales permaneciera disponible frente a la retirada del sitio web por parte del estado español.
Nuestra fuente fue igualmente vaga cuando se le preguntó quién está detrás de la aplicación Tsunami Democràtic. Lo cual, si la filosofía de descentralización realmente se aplica a través de la red, como una estrategia de resistencia para proteger a sus miembros de ser delatados por la policía, es lo que esperaba.
Cualquier nodo individual no sabría ni querría saber mucho de otros nodos. Pero eso solo deja un vacío en el centro de lo que parece ajeno a la investigación democrática.
Una cosa que Tsunami Democràtic se ha esforzado por dejar en claro en todas las comunicaciones (visibles) a sus partidarios es que las protestas deben ser pacíficas. Pero, una vez más, si bien las herramientas tecnológicas son excelentes habilitadores, no siempre está claro exactamente qué fuego estás encendiendo una vez que se agrupa y canaliza el impulso. Y las protestas que comenzaron pacíficamente esta semana se han convertido en batallas con la policía, lanzando misiles, prendiendo fuego y disparando balas de goma.
Algunos informes han sugerido que la respuesta policial excesivamente agresiva a las multitudes se ha disparado y dio la vuelta a los manifestantes que de otra manera calmarían. Lo que es seguro es que hay lesiones en ambos lados. Hoy casi 100 personas fueron reportado haber sido herido en tres noches de acción de protesta. Una huelga general y la mayor manifestación aún está prevista para el viernes en Barcelona. Entonces, la ciudad está preparada para más problemas a medida que las pantallas de los teléfonos inteligentes parpadean con nuevas instrucciones de protesta.
Las redes sociales son, por supuesto, un conducto para muchas cosas. En su forma más corporativa y anodina, su misión declarada se puede expresar sin sabor, como ocurre con el pretendido propósito de Facebook de "conectar a las personas". (Aunque distraer y / o indignar a menudo está más cerca de la marca).
En la práctica, gracias a la naturaleza humana, lo que significa agendas políticas, intereses financieros y todo el resto de nuestros deseos diversos y con frecuencia en conflicto, pueden volar todo tipo de chispas. Ninguno más visiblemente que durante las movilizaciones masivas, donde los grupos con una agenda compartida se unen rápidamente para amplificar una causa y agitar el cambio.
Incluso los movimientos que comienzan con las mejores intenciones, y dejan a sus organizadores y administradores a la vista de todos, pueden perder el control de los resultados.
No menos importante porque los extraños maliciosos a menudo aprovechan la oportunidad para mezclarse y actuar, usando la tapa de una protesta organizada para crear una perturbación violenta. (Y se han filtrado algunos informes en las redes sociales catalanas que afirman que los matones de derecha han estado causando problemas y que la policía secreta está agitando las cosas intencionalmente para manchar el movimiento).
<img aria-shownby = "caption-attach-1899344" class = "size-large wp-image-1899344" title = "Barcelona ve otra noche de protesta contra el encarcelamiento de separatistas catalanes" src = "https://techcrunch.com /wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?w=680 "alt =" GettyImages 1181713368″ width=”680″ height=”454″ srcset=”https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg 1024w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?resize=150,100 150w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?resize=300,200 300w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?resize=768,512 768w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?resize=680,454 680w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1181713368.jpg?resize=50,33 50w” sizes=”(max-width: 680px) 100vw, 680px”/>
BARCELONA, ESPAÑA – 17 DE OCTUBRE: Los manifestantes salen a las calles para manifestarse después de que la Corte Suprema española condenó a nueve líderes separatistas catalanes a entre 9 y 13 años de prisión por su papel del fallido referéndum catalán de 2017 el 17 de octubre de 2019 en Barcelona, España . (Foto de Jeff J Mitchell / Getty Images)
Entonces, si una campaña política altamente cargada está siendo ideada y microgestionada de forma remota, por entidades desconocidas protegidas detrás de pantallas, hay muchas más preguntas que debemos hacernos sobre dónde radica el equilibrio entre riesgo y poder, uny si una insignia de "democracia" realmente puede justificarse.
Para Tsunami Democràtic y el movimiento de independencia de Cataluña en general, las protestas de esta semana parecen ser solo el comienzo de una campaña guerrillera de desobediencia civil impulsada por tecnología, para tratar de forzar un cambio de clima político. España también tiene otra elección general que se avecina, por lo que el momento ofrece la oportunidad.
El bloqueo de El Prat que inició la última ronda de disturbios catalanes parecía ser un llamativo drama de apertura. Para reflejar y hacer referencia al movimiento prodemocrático en Hong Kong, que convirtió al aeropuerto internacional allí en un punto focal para sus propias protestas, ocupando el edificio de la terminal e interrumpiendo los vuelos en un intento de llamar la atención del mundo sobre su difícil situación.
En un paralelo adicional con las protestas en Hong Kong, un mapa de crowdsourcing similar a HKmaps.live – la aplicación que mapea dinámicamente los cierres de calles y la presencia policial mediante la superposición de emoji en una vista de la ciudad – también está siendo preparada para Cataluña por aquellos involucrados en el movimiento independentista.
En el momento de escribir, en el mapa de Barcelona se pueden ver un puñado de helicópteros emoji, bloqueos de carreteras y furgonetas. Al tocar un emoji, aparecen detalles antiguos como lo que estaba haciendo una camioneta de la policía y si tenía una cámara. Un estado verificado sugiere que se requerirán múltiples informes antes de que se muestre un icono. Entendemos que las personas podrán informar la actividad de la calle para el mapeo en vivo a través de un bot de Telegram.
Captura de pantalla del mapa catalán en vivo para información de la calle de crowdsourcing
Nuestra fuente sugirió que la presencia policial en el mapa podría representarse con emojis de pollo. Tambien conocido como Piolín: El nombre en español del personaje de dibujos animados Loony Tunes Tweety Pie – una referencia a un crucero decorado con colores vivos solía albergar a decenas de policías nacionales españoles en el puerto de Barcelona durante el referéndum de 2017, proporcionando material de meme instantáneo. Aunque la versión de prueba que hemos visto parece estar usando una mezcla de perros y polluelos.
Junto con la aplicación Tsunami Democràtic, el mapa en vivo significa que pronto habrá dos herramientas a medida que respalden una campaña de desobediencia civil cuyos organizadores desconocidos claramente esperan que lleguen lejos.
Como hemos dicho, las identidades de las personas que coordinan el movimiento reiniciado siguen sin estar claras. Tampoco está claro quién, si alguien lo está financiando.
Nuestra fuente sugirió que los recursos técnicos para ejecutar y mantener las aplicaciones están siendo financiados por voluntarios. Pero algunos comentaristas argumentan que se necesitaría una fuente de financiamiento para respaldar todo lo que se está entregando, técnica y logísticamente. La aplicación ciertamente parece mucho más sofisticada que un trabajo de proyecto de fin de semana.
Ha habido algunas expresiones públicas de alto nivel de apoyo a Tsunami Democràtic, como el ex entrenador del club de fútbol de Barcelona, Pep Guardiola, quien esta semana publicó un video con el logotipo del Tsunami D en el que defiende el derecho democrático de reunión y protesta , advirtiendo que la libertad de expresión está siendo amenazada y afirmando que "España está experimentando una deriva hacia el autoritarismo". Así que los partidarios adinerados de la independencia catalana no son exactamente difíciles de encontrar.
Quienquiera que esté involucrado detrás de escena, ya sea con financiamiento o solo con apoyo técnico y de la organización, está claro que la energía de protesta "libre" está siendo generosamente donada a la causa por una población altamente comprometida de partidarios de la independencia.
El apoyo de base a la independencia catalana es abundante, altamente comprometido, disperso geográficamente y atraviesa generaciones, a veces de maneras sorprendentes. Una madre con la que hablamos que dijo que estaba demasiado enferma para ir a la protesta del aeropuerto del lunes contó su decepción cuando sus hijos adolescentes le dijeron que no irían porque querían terminar su tarea.
Sin embargo, muchos manifestantes fueron, respondiendo llamadas a la acción en sus aplicaciones de mensajería o a través de los carteles imprimibles puestos a disposición en línea por Tsunami Democràtic, que algunos manifestantes callejeros han representado sosteniendo.
Miles de manifestantes ocuparon el edificio principal de la terminal del aeropuerto de Barcelona, se sentaron y cantaron canciones de protesta, publicaron mensajes de disculpa cuasi en las ventanas en inglés (diciendo que la falta de democracia es peor que perder un vuelo) y se enfrentaron a las filas de la policía con equipo antidisturbios. – incluidas las unidades de la policía nacional española que descargan balas de goma. Un manifestante fue más tarde reportado por la prensa local haber perdido un ojo
"Es hora de hacer que se escuche nuestra voz en el mundo", dice el mensaje de Tsunami Democràtic en Telegram pidiendo un bloqueo del aeropuerto. Luego establece el objetivo (el cierre de un aeropuerto) e instruye a los partidarios de que todas las formas de transporte son "válidas" para promover la misión de interrumpir los negocios como de costumbre. "¡Comparta y nos vemos en T1!", Termina. Alrededor de 240,000 personas vieron la instrucción, según los efímeros recuentos de telegramas de Telegram.
<img aria-shownby = "caption-attach-1899361" class = "size-large wp-image-1899361" title = "Reacción como líder catalán encarcelado durante 13 años por intentar romper España" src = "https: // techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?w=680 "alt =" GettyImages 1176009080″ width=”680″ height=”454″ srcset=”https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg 1024w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?resize=150,100 150w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?resize=300,200 300w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?resize=768,512 768w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?resize=680,454 680w, https://techcrunch.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/GettyImages-1176009080.jpg?resize=50,33 50w” sizes=”(max-width: 680px) 100vw, 680px”/>
Manifestantes durante una protesta contra el encarcelamiento de separatistas catalanes en el aeropuerto de El Prat en Barcelona, España, el lunes 14 de octubre de 2019. (Foto de Iranzu Larrasoana Oneca / NurPhoto a través de Getty Images)
Más tarde, esa misma tarde, el canal envió otro mensaje en el que ordenaba a los manifestantes que lo llamaran una noche. "Hoy hemos sido un tsunami", se lee en catalán. ‘Haremos de cada victoria una movilización. Hemos comenzado un ciclo de desobediencia civil no violenta ". En el momento de escribir este artículo, la misiva de seguimiento ha registrado más de 300.000 visitas.
Si bien Tsunami Democràtic es solo uno de los múltiples grupos independentistas que organizan y movilizan protestas regionales, como los CDR, también conocidos como Comités de Defensa de la Republica, que han estado bloqueando carreteras en Cataluña durante los últimos dos años, se ha ganado rápidamente el impulso de la mayoría desde que se desabrochó en silencio este verano.
Su canal Telegram, que fue creado solo en agosto, tiene acumulado en seguidores en las últimas semanas. Otros grupos independentistas también están compartiendo noticias y distribuyendo planes a través de la plataforma de Telegram y, más ampliamente, en medios de comunicación social como Twitter. Aunque ninguno ha acumulado tantos seguidores, ni de hecho con tanta velocidad viral.
Incluso el canal Telegram de Anonymous Catalonia, que ha estado publicando un flujo constante de contenido de protestas sin filtrar esta semana, repleto de videos de contenedores en llamas, sirenas en furgonetas de policía y multitudes dispersas, intercaladas con fotos de carreteras vacías (bloqueos exitosos) y lo extraño. herida de bala de goma: solo tiene un 'mero' 100k + suscriptores.
Y aunque WhatsApp, propiedad de Facebook, fue una de las principales fuentes de mensajes de protesta en torno al referéndum catalán de 2017, con Telegram recién entrando en funcionamiento como una alternativa para tratar de comunicarse fuera del alcance del estado español, parece que se aprobó el testigo de la movilización de protestas. más completamente a Telegram ahora.
Quizás eso se deba en parte a un elemento de desconfianza en torno a las plataformas convencionales controladas por gigantes tecnológicos a los que los estados podrían recurrir para bloquear el contenido (Tsunami Democràtic ha dicho que aún no tiene una versión iOS de su aplicación, a pesar de muchas solicitudes de una, porque la "política de la App Store es muy restrictiva", haciendo una referencia directa a Apple sacando la aplicación HKmaps de su tienda) Mientras que el fundador de Telegram, Pavel Durov, es famoso por su resistencia al poder estatal autoritario.
Aunque, muy probablemente, es el resultado de algunos herramientas poderosas Telegram proporciona la gestión y moderación de canales.
El resultado es que la plataforma de mensajería de Telegram ha disfrutado de un aumento en las descargas en España durante los disturbios regionales de este mes, ya que los locales amantes de WhatsApp coquetean con una plataforma rival también en respuesta a las llamadas de sus canales políticos para recibir Telegram para obtener instrucciones detalladas de la próxima demostración .
Según la aplicación Annie, Telegram ha subido las principales listas de descargas gratuitas para Google Play en España, pasando del undécimo lugar al tercer lugar este mes. Mientras que, para iOS, se mantiene estable en el espacio superior de descargas gratuitas.
También creciendo en paralelo: disturbios en las calles de Cataluña.
Desde el lunes, las tensiones de protesta en el aeropuerto ciertamente han aumentado. Los caminos en toda la región han sido bloqueados. Mobiliario urbano y vehículos incendiados. Misiles de bricolaje lanzados contra la policía.
Para el jueves por la mañana hubo informes de que la policía disparó gases lacrimógenos y vehículos policiales conducidos a gran velocidad alrededor de las multitudes de jóvenes que protestaban. Dos personas fueron reportadas atropelladas.
Agentes de la policía antidisturbios dispararon contra los manifestantes después de una manifestación convocada por los Comités de Defensa de la República (CDR) locales en Barcelona el 17 de octubre de 2019. – Después de años de manifestaciones pacíficas separatistas, la violencia finalmente explotó en las calles catalanas esta semana, dirigida por activistas. frustrado por la parálisis política y enfurecido por la condena de la Corte Suprema de nueve de sus líderes por un intento fallido de independencia. (Foto de LLUIS GENE / AFP) (Foto de LLUIS GENE / AFP a través de Getty Images)
Los helicópteros se han convertido en un sonido de rutina que desgarra el cielo nocturno urbano. Mientras el recuento de lesiones continúa aumentando en ambos lados. Y mientras tanto, hay innumerables videos que circulan en las redes sociales para filtrarlos para reforzar su propio punto de vista: proyectar enfrentamientos entre manifestantes y policías con bastones. Un video que hizo las rondas anoche parecía mostrar a los manifestantes apuntando a un helicóptero policial con fuegos artificiales. Los medios de propaganda rusos, por supuesto, han sido rápido para aprovechar y amplificar imágenes divisivas.
El desencadenante del retorno a las oleadas de desobediencia civil impulsada por la tecnología, como también se observó en toda Cataluña en el momento del referéndum de 2017, son largos períodos de prisión dictados por la Corte Suprema de España el lunes. Doce líderes de la sociedad política y cívica involucrados en el referéndum fueron condenados, nueve por cargos de sedición y mal uso de fondos públicos. Ninguno fue declarado culpable de la acusación más grave de rebelión, pero las penas seguían siendo duras, desde 13 años hasta nueve.
Los líderes encarcelados – apodados política presos (también conocidos como prisioneros políticos) por la sociedad catalana, que despliega generosamente cintas amarillas en forma de lazo como símbolo de solidaridad en apoyo de presos – Ya había pasado casi dos años en prisión sin derecho a fianza.
UNA informar esta semana en El diario, Citando una fuente en Tsunami Democràtic, sugiere que el movimiento activista se estableció en respuesta a un sentimiento creciente en todo el movimiento de independencia de la región de que se necesitaba una nueva forma de movilizar y llevar a cabo protestas a raíz de la fallida oferta de independencia de 2017.
El esperado veredicto draconiano de la Corte Suprema marcó una fecha de inicio natural para el reinicio.
Ha sido necesario reiniciar porque, wCon tantos de sus mascarones de proa en prisión, y el ex presidente catalán Carles Puigdemont en el exilio en Bruselas, ha habido una especie de vacío de liderazgo para la causa secesionista.
Eso, junto con una sensación de persecución a manos de un estado centralizado que suspendió la autonomía regional de Cataluña a raíz del referéndum ilegal, invocando una disposición constitucional de 'opción nuclear' para destituir al gobierno y convocar nuevas elecciones, probablemente explica por qué la independencia revivida El movimiento se ha inspirado en la descentralización al estilo blockchain.
Nuestra fuente también nos dijo que el pensamiento blockchain ha informado el diseño y la estructura de la aplicación.
Al hablar sobre los desarrolladores que han reunido la aplicación, dijeron que no solo es una diáspora tecnológica catalana apasionadamente comprometida, que donan su tiempo y experiencia para ayudar a la sociedad civil a responder a lo que se considera una persecución política de larga data, sino que, en general, codificadores y tecnólogos con Un interés en participar en lo que esperan será el mayor experimento de democracia participativa y desobediencia civil pacífica.
La fuente señaló investigación dirigido por Erica Chenoweth, politóloga de la Universidad de Harvard, quien descubrió que las campañas de desobediencia civil no violentas son una forma mucho más poderosa de moldear la política mundial que la violencia. También descubrió que tales campañas necesitan involucrar solo al 3.5% de la población para tener éxito. Y con más de 300.000 suscriptores, el canal Telegram de Tsunami Democràtic ya puede haber superado ese umbral, dado que la población de Cataluña es de solo alrededor de 7,6 millones.
Parece que algunos de los desarrolladores que ayudan al movimiento se sienten atraídos por la posibilidad de aplicar potentes tecnologías de plataforma móvil a una fuerte causa política como una forma de enfatizar la prueba de las estructuras democráticas, y quizás jugar a reconfigurarlas. Si las herramientas son exitosas para capturar la intención y mantener la acción y así involucrar y activar a los ciudadanos en una campaña política a largo plazo.
Se nos dice que la intención declarada de abrir el código fuente de la aplicación también es un objetivo para que esté disponible para otras causas para recoger y usar para presionar para el cambio. Lo que comienza a sonar un poco como un cambio de régimen como servicio …
Retrocediendo, también hay una cuestión de si la desobediencia cívica microgestionada es filosóficamente diferente a las expresiones más orgánicas de descontento.
Hay un elemento de protesta no violenta que se arma contra un oponente cuando lo ejecutas a través de una aplicación. Debido a que los participantes están siendo controlados y coordinados de forma remota a distancia, al mismo tiempo que las tecnologías móviles ubicuas sensibles a la ubicación significan que la forma en que la entidad de control les habla puede enfocarse con precisión para presionar sus botones y empujar la acción.
Sí, es cierto que el derecho de reunión pacífica y protesta es una piedra angular de la democracia. Tampoco es exactamente un fenómeno nuevo que la tecnología móvil haya facilitado esta expresión democrática. En el libro de viaje del periodista Giles Tremlett sobre su país de adopción, Fantasmas de españa, Él cuenta cómo en los días posteriores a los atentados con bomba en Madrid en 2004, los mensajes de texto anónimos comenzaron a difundirse a través del teléfono móvil, lo que condujo a manifestaciones callejeras masivas y espontáneas.
En ese momento hubo informes contradictorios sobre quién fue responsable de los bombardeos, ya que el gobierno intentó culpar al grupo terrorista vasco ETA por lo que resultaría ser el trabajo de los terroristas islámicos. Justo en la víspera de una elección, los votantes en España se enfrentaron a una decisión política crucial: acaban de enterarse de que la policía había arrestado a tres marroquíes por los ataques con bombas, lo que sugiere que el gobierno había mentido.
"Ese día nació un nuevo fenómeno político: la demostración de mensajes de texto instantáneos", escribe Tremlett. “Los mensajes de texto anónimos comenzaron a volar de un teléfono móvil a otro. Se hicieron conocidos como los mensajes pásalo, porque cada uno terminó con una exhortación a "Pasarlo". Fue como una cota de malla, pero instantánea ".
Más de quince años después de esos primeros días de tecnología móvil de consumo y mensajes de texto SMS, instantáneo ahora significa mucho más de lo que significaba, con casi todos en una región occidental rica como Cataluña llevando una poderosa computadora conectada a Internet y transmitiendo cámaras de video en su bolsillo
La tecnología móvil moderna convierte a los humanos en nodos de datos de alta tecnología, capaces de recibir y transmitir información. Por lo tanto, un manifestante ahora no solo puede optar por las instrucciones para una acción específica, sino también responder y recibir comentarios de una manera que los haga sentir personalmente capacitados.
Desde una perspectiva, lo que está surgiendo de los movimientos de protesta de alta tecnología con 'pulsador' habilitados para teléfonos inteligentes, como ahora estamos viendo en Cataluña y Hong Kong, podría parecer el comienzo de un nuevo modelo para la participación democrática, como el viejo orden de La democracia representativa no puede seguir el ritmo de los gustos y deseos políticos cambiantes, al igual que los gobiernos no pueden mantenerse tecnológicamente.
Pero el riesgo es que solo se trata de una élite tecnológica en el puesto de conducción de cambio de régimen. Lo que se suma a la gobernanza no mediante procesos democráticos establecidos, sino a través de los intereses de una élite privilegiada con la riqueza y la experiencia para hackear el sistema y crear otros nuevos que puedan movilizar a los ciudadanos para actuar como peones.
Los procesos democráticos establecidos pueden ser defectuosos y necesitan cierto grado de reforma, pero también se han desarrollado y sometido a pruebas de estrés durante generaciones. Lo que significa que tienen capas de controles y equilibrios de responsabilidad integrados para tratar de equilibrar intereses en competencia.
Throwing all that out in favor of a ‘democracy app’ sounds like the sort of disruption Facebook has turned into an infamous dark art.
For individual protestors, then, who are participating as willing pawns in this platform-enabled protest, you might call it selfie-style self-determination; they get to feel active and present; they experience the spectacle of political action which can be instantly and conveniently snapped for channel sharing with other mobilized friends who then reflect social validation back. But by doing all that they’re also giving up their agency.
Because all this ‘protest’ action is flowing across the surface of an asymmetric platform. The infrastructure natively cloaks any centralized interests and at very least allows opaque forces to push a cause at cheap scale.
“I felt so small,” one young female protestor told us, recounting via WhatsApp audio message, what had gone down during a protest action in Barcelona yesterday evening. Things started out fun and peaceful, with participants encouraged to toss toilet rolls up in the air — because, per the organizer’s messaging, ‘there’s a lot of shit to clean up’ — but events took a different turn later, as protestors moved to another location and some began trying to break into a police building.
A truck arrived from a side street being driven by protestors who used it to blockade the entrance to the building to try to stop police getting out. Police warning shots were fired into the air. Then the Spanish national police turned up, driving towards the crowd at high speed and coming armed with rubber not foam bullets.
Faced with a more aggressive police presence the crowd tried to disperse — creating a frightening crush in which she was caught up. “I was getting crushed all the time. It wasn’t fun,” she told us. “We moved away but there was a huge mass of people being crushed the whole time.”
“What was truly scary weren’t the crowds or the bullets, it was not knowing what was going on,” she added.
Yet, despite the fear and uncertainty, she was back out on the streets to protest again the next night — armed with a smartphone.
Enric Luján, a PhD student and adjunct professor in political science at the University of Barcelona — and also the guy whose incisive Twitter thread fingers the forces behind the Tsunami Democràtic app as a “technological elite” — argues that the movement has essentially created a “human botnet”. This feels like a questionable capability for a pro-democracy movement when combined with its own paradoxically closed structure.
Divendres, dia de vaga general, una petita elit política i tecnològica ja haurà adquirit la capacitat operativa per paralitzar tot el país llançant convocatòries descentralitzades i en temps real des de la més extrema opacitat.
“The intention appears to be to group a mass movement under a label which, paradoxically, is opaque, which carries the real risk of a lack of internal democracy,” Luján tells TechCrunch. “There is a basic paradox in Tsunami Democràtic. That it’s a pro-democracy movement where: 1) the ‘core’ that decides actions is not accessible to other supporters; 2) it has the word ‘Democràtic’ in its name but its protocols as an organization are extremely vertical and are in the hands of an elite that decides the objectives and defines the timing of mobilization; 3) it’s ‘deterritorialized’ with respect to the local reality (unlike the CDRs): opacity and verticality would allow them to lead the entire effort from outside the country.”
Luján believes the movement is essentially a continuation of the same organizing forces which drove support for pro-independence political parties around the 2017 referendum — such as the Catalan cultural organization Òmnium — now coming back together after a period of “strategic readjustment”.
“Shortly after the conclusion of the referendum, through the arrest of its political leaders, the independence movement was ‘decapitated’ and there were months of political paralysis,” he says, arguing that this explains the focus on applying mobile technology in a way that allows for completely anonymous orchestration of protests, as a strategy to protect itself from further arrests.
“This strategic option, of course, entails lack of public scrutiny of the debates and decisions, which is a problem and involves treating people as ‘pawns’ or ‘human botnets’ acting under your direction,” he adds.
He is also critical of the group not having opened the app’s code which has made it difficult to understand exactly how user data is being handled by the app and whether or not there are any security flaws. Essentially, there is no simple way for outsiders to validate trustworthiness.
His analysis of the app’s APK raises further questions. Luján says he believes it also requests microphone permissions in addition to location and camera access (the latter for reading the QR code).
Our source told us that as far as they are aware the app does not access the microphone by default. Though screenshots of requested permissions which have circulated on social media show a toggle where microphone access seems as if it can be enabled.
Qualsevol empresa ho pot fer amb apps q passen el filtre Google Play. I d moment, sense haver denegat cap permís, de forma predeterminada només estan activats la ubicació (amb un motiu q ja has explicat) i la càmera (per escanejar el QR, amb la qual cosa ja podría descativar-lo). pic.twitter.com/TMgQcN402q
And, as Luján points out, the prospect of a powerful and opaque entity with access to the real-time location of thousands of people plus the ability to remotely activate smartphone cameras and microphones to surveil people’s surroundings does sound pretty close to the plot of a Black Mirror episode…
Les similituds amb un capítol de Black Mirror són, evidentment, esfereïdores: Una entitat de la que no sabem res (excepte el seu alt nivell de sofisticació tecnològica) és a punt de guanyar el control efectiu de tot un territori, operant des de la més absoluta foscor.
Asked whether he believes we’re seeing an emergent model for a more participatory, grassroots form of democracy enabled by modern mobile technologies or a powerful techie elite playing at reconfiguring existing power structures by building and distributing systems that keep them shielded from democratic view where they can nudge others to spread their message, he says he leans towards the latter.
“It’s a movement with an elite leadership that seems to have had a clear timetable for months. It remains to be seen what they’ll be able to do. But it is clearly not spontaneous (the domain of the website was registered in July) and the application needed months to develop,” he notes. “I am not clear that it can be or was ‘crowdsourced’ — as far as I know, there was no campaign to finance Tsunami or their technological solutions.”
“Release the code,” he adds. “I don’t understand why they haven’t released it. Promising it is easy and is what you expect if you want to present yourself with a minimum of transparency, but there is no defined deadline to do so. For now we have to work with the APK, which is more cumbersome to understand how the app works and how it uses and moves user data.”
“I imagine it is so the police cannot investigate thoroughly, but it also means others lose the possibility of better understanding how a product that’s been designed by people who rely on anonymity works, and have to rely that the elite technologists in charge of developing the app have not committed any security breach.”
So, here too, more questions and more uncertainty.
Zuckerberg spoke today for 40 minutes at Georgetown University y then did a Q&A to share his thoughts on speech and “how we might address the challenges that more voice and the internet introduce, and the major threats to free expression around the world.” He discussed how “We want the progress of free expression without the tension,” leading people to advocate for pulling back on free expression. "¿Dónde se traza la línea?"
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Zuckerberg dice que Facebook ahora tiene 35,000 personas trabajando en seguridad, y el presupuesto de seguridad de la compañía es más alto ahora que todos los ingresos de la compañía cuando se salió a bolsa, que fue de $ 5 mil millones en 2012. Facebook elimina o descalifica el contenido que es objetivamente peligroso. Still, he says that he doesn’t want to “let the definition of what is dangerous expand beyond what’s absolutely necessary.”
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Coining a new phrase, Zuckerberg noted that “People having the power to express themselves at scale is a new kind of force in the world u2014 a Fifth Estate alongside the other power structures of society.”
Al permitir anuncios políticos en Facebook, incluso si contienen información errónea, Zuckerberg argumenta que "los anuncios políticos pueden ser una parte importante de la voz, especialmente para los candidatos locales, retadores y grupos de defensa que los medios de comunicación no podrían cubrir de otra manera. That way they can get their voice into the debate.” While that may be true, the same system allows whichever group or candidate has the most funding to dominate the narrative.
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Hace poco sostuve que Facebook debería eliminar todos los anuncios políticos hasta que se apruebe la reglamentación para evitar su uso para difundir información errónea. El presidente Trump está gastando más que muchos de sus rivales del partido demócrata combinados mientras usa mentiras acerca de que planean eliminar la segunda enmienda para recaudar dinero.
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Aún así, Zuckerberg argumenta que "prohibir los anuncios políticos favorece a los titulares ya quienes decidan cubrir los medios". No se refirió a quién gasta más o cómo Facebook aún podría ofrecer la libre expresión de candidatos a sus propios seguidores, incluso si prohibiera los anuncios políticos. Básicamente no hizo distinción entre la libertad de expresión y la libertad de alcance, también conocida como amplificación paga a través de anuncios. Instagram CEO Adam Mosseri echoed this sentiment, equating ads and speech, tuiteando "Creo que la gente merece escuchar lo que dicen los políticos y tomar sus propias decisiones".
n
This ignores how President Trump has spent $4.9 million on Facebook ads this year compared to $9.6 million spent by the 23 Democratic candidates combined, and that Trump had outspent them all put together as of March. Banning political ads wouldn’t prevent candidates from saying what they want and being judged, but it would stop richer candidates’ speech from having more weight.
n
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En general, Zuckerberg sonaba más apasionado y empático que en sus recientes testimonios en Capitol Hill. Parecía asumir algo de la cadencia y el tono del ex presidente Barack Obama, alzando la voz para enfatizar la urgencia de los desafíos que enfrenta la democracia. Sin embargo, el formato de discurso le permitió a Zuckerberg evitar el rechazo inmediato de sus puntos, como por qué la publicidad política favorece a los retadores si es el titular con la mayor cantidad de dinero para gastar. Zuckerberg did hold a Q&A after his speech, but the stream of that wasn’t broadcast from his Page like the prepared remarks, and he mostly reiterated points from the speech.
n
Zuckerberg drove home one important theme threaded throughout the talk, though. He attempted to link the idea of U.S. companies potentially policing free expression to protect safety and elections with how China censors speech. Y mientras otras compañías como la NBA y Blizzard que hacen negocios importantes con el país intentan minimizar su influencia, Zuckerberg habló sobre cómo los tentáculos de los valores de China están ahogando el discurso más allá de sus fronteras.
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China is exporting its social values, political ads are an important part of free expression and the definition of dangerous speech must be kept in check, Facebook’s CEO Mark Zuckerberg argued today in a speech at Georgetown University. Criticó cómo las empresas estadounidenses que hacen negocios con China se estaban influenciando por los valores del país. (…)
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Josh Constine is a technology journalist who specializes in deep analysis of social products. He is currently an Editor-At-Large for TechCrunch and is available for speaking engagements.
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Previously, Constine was the Lead Writer of Inside Facebook through its acquisition by WebMediaBrands, covering everything about the social network.
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Constine graduated from Stanford University in 2009 with a Master's degree in Cybersociology, examining the influence of technology on social interaction. He researched the impact of privacy controls on the socialization of children, meme popularity cycles, and what influences the click through rate of links posted to Twitter.
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Constine also received a Bachelor of Arts degree with honors from Stanford University in 2007, with a concentration in Social Psychology & Interpersonal Processes.
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Josh Constine is an experienced public speaker, and has moderated over 120 on-stage interviews in 15 countries with leaders including Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, whistleblower Edward Snowden (via on-stage video conference), and U.S. Senator Cory Booker. He is available to moderate panels and fireside chats, deliver keynotes, and judge hackathon and pitch competitions.
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Constine has been quoted by The Wall Street Journal, CNN Money, The Atlantic, BBC World Magazine, Slate, and more, plus has been featured on television on Good Morning, America, The Today Show, China Central Television, and Fox News. Constine is ranked as the #1 most cited tech journalist on prestigious news aggregator Techmeme.
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(Disclosures: Josh Constine temporarily advised a college friend's social location-sharing startup codenamed 'Signal' that was based in San Francisco before dissolving in 2015. This advising role was cleared with AOL and TechCrunch's editors and has concluded. Constine's fiancu00e9e Andee Gardiner co-founded startup accelerator Founders Embassy. Constine's cousin Darren Lachtman is the founder of influencer advertising startup Niche that was acquired by Twitter, and he's since left and founded teen content studio Brat. Constine does not write about Founders Embassy or Brat. Constine has personal acquaintances stemming from college housing circa 2007 with founders at Skybox Imaging (now Terra Bella), Hustle, Snapchat, and Robinhood, but does not maintain close social ties with them nor does that influence his writing. Constine occasionally does paid speaking engagements at conferences, but only those funded by companies he does not cover. Constine owns a small position in Ethereum and Bitcoin cryptocurrencies, does not day-trade, and discloses his positions directly in articles where appropriate. Constine does not do consulting, angel investing, or public stock trading beyond public stock invesments by his parents' estate that he has no role in managing or advising.)
I would say that FB is also censoring quite heavily. nAlso, political ads have ALWAYS been iffy. Come on folks!
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i get paid over $87 per hour working from home with 2 kids at home. I never thought I’d be able to do it but my best friend earns over 10k a month doing this and she convinced me to try. The potential with this is endless. Heres what I’ve been doing,…… http://www.Your70.Com
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Here’s an honest way to fix all this, at 161 times faster, at lower cost than print or image or video or film, independenrly reviewed online on August 6th, 2019 at cmsvoice.com, from award winning and in global use SPEECH MORPHING “Eradicating Illiteracy(TM), that is safe and secure of high quality automation of any VOICE, in any dialects or languages, wifi, in real time on any platfotm or equipment, croas languages, cross families of languages, voice restoration, music and lyrics, etc. Online FOR FREE download TALKMONDO.COM “The World at the Tip of Your Tongue(TM)”.
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Josh Constine is a technology journalist who specializes in deep analysis of social products. He is currently an Editor-At-Large for TechCrunch and is available for speaking engagements.
nn
Previously, Constine was the Lead Writer of Inside Facebook through its acquisition by WebMediaBrands, covering everything about the social network.
nn
Constine graduated from Stanford University in 2009 with a Master's degree in Cybersociology, examining the influence of technology on social interaction. He researched the impact of privacy controls on the socialization of children, meme popularity cycles, and what influences the click through rate of links posted to Twitter.
nn
Constine also received a Bachelor of Arts degree with honors from Stanford University in 2007, with a concentration in Social Psychology & Interpersonal Processes.
nn
Josh Constine is an experienced public speaker, and has moderated over 120 on-stage interviews in 15 countries with leaders including Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, whistleblower Edward Snowden (via on-stage video conference), and U.S. Senator Cory Booker. He is available to moderate panels and fireside chats, deliver keynotes, and judge hackathon and pitch competitions.
nn
Constine has been quoted by The Wall Street Journal, CNN Money, The Atlantic, BBC World Magazine, Slate, and more, plus has been featured on television on Good Morning, America, The Today Show, China Central Television, and Fox News. Constine is ranked as the #1 most cited tech journalist on prestigious news aggregator Techmeme.
nn
(Disclosures: Josh Constine temporarily advised a college friend's social location-sharing startup codenamed 'Signal' that was based in San Francisco before dissolving in 2015. This advising role was cleared with AOL and TechCrunch's editors and has concluded. Constine's fiancu00e9e Andee Gardiner co-founded startup accelerator Founders Embassy. Constine's cousin Darren Lachtman is the founder of influencer advertising startup Niche that was acquired by Twitter, and he's since left and founded teen content studio Brat. Constine does not write about Founders Embassy or Brat. Constine has personal acquaintances stemming from college housing circa 2007 with founders at Skybox Imaging (now Terra Bella), Hustle, Snapchat, and Robinhood, but does not maintain close social ties with them nor does that influence his writing. Constine occasionally does paid speaking engagements at conferences, but only those funded by companies he does not cover. Constine owns a small position in Ethereum and Bitcoin cryptocurrencies, does not day-trade, and discloses his positions directly in articles where appropriate. Constine does not do consulting, angel investing, or public stock trading beyond public stock invesments by his parents' estate that he has no role in managing or advising.)
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Nvidia Shield Android TV streaming device leaks via Amazon listing"},"content":{"rendered":"
The fact that Nvidia is updating its Shield TV hardware has already been telegraphed via an FCC filing, but a leak earlier today paints much more of a detailed picture. An Amazon listing for a new Nvidia Shield Pro set-top streaming device went live briefly before being taken down, showing a familiar hardware design and a new remote control and listing some of the forthcoming feature updates new to this generation of hardware.
n
El listado, capturado por los ojos de águila Rumores de Android TV and shared via Twitter, includes a $199.99 price point, specs that include 3GB of RAM, 2x USB ports, a new Nvidia Tegra X1+ chip and 16GB of on-board storage. Además del precio, la lista de Amazon tenía una fecha de lanzamiento para el nuevo hardware del 28 de octubre.
n
Si esto Amazonas page is accurate (and it looks indeed like an official product page that one would expect from Nvidia), the new Shield TV’s processor will be “up to 25% faster than the previous generation,” and will offer “next-generation AI upscaling” for improving the quality of HD video on 4K-capable displays.
n
It’ll offer support for Dolby Vision HDR, plus surround sound with Dolby Atmos support, and provide “the most 4K HDR content of any streaming media player.” There’s also built-in Google Asistencia de asistente, que se ofreció en el hardware existente, y funcionará con Alexa para el control de manos libres.
Las fotos de características de la lista muestran un nuevo control remoto, que tiene un diseño similar a una pirámide, así como muchos botones más dedicados en la cara. Hay retroiluminación y un desintegrador IR para control de TV, así como un "localizador remoto perdido incorporado" según la página de Amazon ahora eliminada.
n
Esta página de Amazon sin duda pinta una imagen completa de qué esperar, y parece una actualización convincente para estar seguro. Sin embargo, la lista ya no está, así que estad atentos para averiguar si esto es realmente real y si este transmisor actualizado estará disponible pronto.
n
UPDATE:u00a0Yet another Nvidia leak followed the first, this time through retailer Newegg (via The Verge) This is different, however, and features a Shield TV device (no “Pro” in the name) that has almost all the same specs, but a much smaller design that includes a microSD card, and seems to have half the amount of on-board storage (8GB versus 16GB) and a retail price of around $150.
n
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The fact that Nvidia is updating its Shield TV hardware has already been telegraphed via an FCC filing, but a leak earlier today paints much more of a detailed picture. An Amazon listing for a new Nvidia Shield Pro set-top streaming device went live briefly before being taken down, showing a familiar hardware design and (…)
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I basically make about $6,000-$8,000 a month online. It’s enough to comfortably replace my old jobs income, esconsidering I only work about 10-13 hours a week from home. I was amazed how easy it was after I tried itpecially ……… http://www.Your70.Com
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Darrell Etherington is a Writer at TechCrunch, focused on science, space and health tech startups. Darrell used to work for Apple and Shopify in their respective PR departments, but he does not currently hold any stock in either company.
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WeWork problem"},"content":{"rendered":"
Airbnb may be another overvalued “unicorn,” but it’s no WeWork.
n
The Information this morning reported new Airbnb financials u2014 indicating a massive increase in operating losses u2014 that immediately call Airbnb’s future into question. Precisely, Airbnb lost $306 million on operations on $839 million in revenue, namely as a result of marketing spend, in the first quarter of 2019. In total, Airbnb invested $367 million in sales and marketing, representing a 58% increase year-over-year, in Q1. The company is gearing up for a major liquidity event next year and is making a concerted effort to rake in new customers, as any soon-to-be-public business would.
n
Given WeWork’s sudden demise, coupled with Uber and Lyft’s lukewarm performances on the stock markets, many have wondered how Wall Street will respond to Airbnb’s eventual IPO prospectus. Will money managers have an appetite for another over-valued Silicon Valley darling? Or will the market compete like mad for shares in the massive home-sharing marketplace?
n
But Airbnb, again, is no WeWork, and I wager Wall Street will have a much friendlier approach to its offering. For one, Airbnb’s co-founder and chief executive officer Brian Chesky isn’t dropping $60 million on private jets u2014 I don’t think. CEO behaviors aside, Airbnb has more capital in the bank than it has raised in its entire 11-year history, which is a whole lot of money. This is all according to a source who is familiar with Airbnbu2019s financials and shared this detail with TechCrunch following The Information’s Thursday morning report. As for Airbnb, the company told TechCrunch, “we canu2019t comment on the figures, but 2019 is a big investment year in support of our hosts and guests.”
n
Airbnb’s CEO Brian Chesky speaks at TechCrunch Disrupt SF 2014
n
Airbnb has attracted more than $3.5 billion in equity funding at a $31 billion valuation and has even more locked away in its bank account. Additionally, Airbnb has an untouched $1 billion credit line, the source said. Presumably, the referenced credit line is the 2016 $1 billion debt financing from JPMorgan, CitiGroup, Morgan Stanley and others.
n
Moreover, Airbnb has been u201ccumulativelyu201d free cash flow positive for some time, meaning that it’s seen more money coming in than going out during recent quarters, according to our source. It has been reported that Airbnb surpassed $1 billion in revenue in the second quarter of 2019 and in the third quarter of 2018, but we’re guessing the business did not top $1 billion in Q4 of 2018 or Q1 of 2019 because it if had, that information would probably have been “leaked.”
n
Finally, Airbnb has been profitable on an EBITDA (earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization) basis for two consecutive years, the company announced in January. Gross bookings, meanwhile, are growing, as is Airbnb’s business offering and its experiences product.
n
Why does any of this matter, you ask?
n
","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Airbnb may be another overvalued ‘unicorn,’ but it’s no WeWork.u00a0
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Kate Clark is a reporter at TechCrunch covering startups and venture capital. She's interested in diversity & inclusion, consumer technology, mobility and more.
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She previously covered the venture capital ecosystem for PitchBook News.
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A Seattle native, she is a graduate of the University of Washington, where she studied journalism and international studies.
nn
Reach Kate via e-mail at [email protected] or on Twitter @KateClarkTweets.
Kate Clark is a reporter at TechCrunch covering startups and venture capital. She's interested in diversity & inclusion, consumer technology, mobility and more.
nn
She previously covered the venture capital ecosystem for PitchBook News.
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A Seattle native, she is a graduate of the University of Washington, where she studied journalism and international studies.
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Reach Kate via e-mail at [email protected] or on Twitter @KateClarkTweets.
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Unity built the worldu2019s most popular game engine"},"content":{"rendered":"
¿Qué hace BMW, Tencent, Poku00e9mon Go creator Niantic, movie director Jon Favreau and construction giant Skanska have in common? Theyu2019re all using the same platform to create their products.
u201cUnity wants to be the 3D operating system of the world,u201d says Sylvio Drouin, VP of the Unity Labs R&D team.
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Los clientes pueden diseñar, comprar o importar activos digitales como bosques, efectos de sonido y extraterrestres, y crear la lógica que guía cómo interactúan todos estos elementos con los jugadores. Nearly half of the worldu2019s games are built with Unity, which is particularly popular among mobile game developers.u00a0
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And in the fourteen years since Unityu2019s engine launched, the size of the global gaming market has exploded from $ 27 mil millones a $ 135 mil millones, impulsado por el auge de los juegos móviles, que ahora comprende el mayoria del mercado.
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Unity se usa cada vez más para el diseño 3D y las simulaciones en otras industrias como el cine, la automoción y la arquitectura, y ahora se usa para crear 60% de todas las experiencias de realidad aumentada y virtual. That positions Unity u2014 as Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerburg argued in una nota de 2015 in favor of acquiring it u2014 as a key platform for the next wave of consumer technology after mobile.
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Unityu2019s growth is a case study of Clayton Christensenu2019s teoría de la innovación disruptiva.While other game engines targeted the big AAA game makers at the top of the console and PC markets, Unity went after independent developers with a less robust product that was better suited to their needs and budget.u00a0
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A medida que ganó popularidad, la compañía capturó el crecimiento en los segmentos del mercado fronterizo y también expandió el mercado para satisfacer las necesidades de los fabricantes de juegos de mayor rendimiento. Today, itu2019s making a push to become the top engine for building anything in interactive 3D.
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Este artículo es parte de mi investigación en curso sobre el futuro de las experiencias de medios interactivos. Esta investigación ha incluido entrevistas con docenas de desarrolladores, ejecutivos e inversores en juegos y otras industrias, incluidas entrevistas con más de 20 ejecutivos de Unity.
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Establecimiento
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La unidad fue fundada en Copenhague por Nicholas Francis, Joachim Ante y David Helgason. Su historia comenzó en un foro de OpenGL en mayo de 2002, donde Francis hizo un llamado a los colaboradores en un compilador de sombreado de código abierto (herramienta gráfica) para la población nicho de desarrolladores de juegos basados en Mac como él. It was Ante, then a high school student in Berlin, who responded.u00a0
n
Ante complemented Francisu2019 focus on graphics and gameplay with an intuitive sense for back-end architecture. Because the game he was working on with another team wasnu2019t going anywhere, they collaborated on the shader part-time while each pursued their own game engine projects, but decided to combine forces upon meeting in-person. In a sprint to merge the codebases of their engines, they camped out in Helgasonu2019s apartment for several days while he was out of town. El plan era comenzar un estudio de juegos basado en una infraestructura tecnológica robusta que también pudiera obtener una licencia.
n
Helgason y Francis habían trabajado juntos desde la escuela secundaria, trabajando en varias empresas de desarrollo web e incluso intentos de corta duración en la producción de películas. Helgason entró y salió de la Universidad de Copenhague mientras trabajaba como desarrollador web independiente. He provided help where he could and joined full-time after several months, selling his small stake in a web development firm to his partners.u00a0
n
According to Ante, Helgason was u201cgood with peopleu201d and more business-oriented, so he took the CEO title after the trio failed to find a more experienced person for the role. (Pasarían dos años antes de que Ante y Francis extendieran el título de cofundador y la cantidad correspondiente de capital a Helgason).
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Reclutaron un elenco rotativo para ayudarlos de forma gratuita mientras creaban prototipos de una amplia gama de ideas. La diversidad de ideas que persiguieron resultó en un motor que podía manejar una amplia gama de casos de uso. La comercialización del motor se convirtió en un foco, ya que estaba surgiendo un juego exitoso que mostraría el motor a su mejor ventaja; for indie developers, having to reconstruct an engine with every new game idea was a pain point that, if solved, would enable more creative output.u00a0
n
Supported by their savings, a u20ac25,000 investment from Anteu2019s father, and Helgasonu2019s part-time job at a cafu00e9, continuaron durante tres años, incorporándose en el segundo año (2004) con el nombre Over The Edge Entertainment.
n
El juego que finalmente se comprometieron a lanzar en la primavera de 2005, GooBall, was u201cway too hard to play,u201d says Ante and didnu2019t gain much traction. Reconociendo que eran mejores construyendo herramientas de desarrollo y prototipos que los juegos comercialmente viables, apostaron a su compañía por el objetivo de lanzar un motor de juegos para la pequeña comunidad de desarrolladores basada en Mac. Al vincular las connotaciones de colaboración y compatibilidad cruzada, llamaron al motor Unidad.
n
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What do BMW, Tencent, Poku00e9mon Go creator Niantic, movie director Jon Favreau and construction giant Skanska have in common? Theyu2019re all using the same platform to create their products. Founded in a small Copenhagen apartment in 2004, Unity Technologiesu2019 makes a game engine u2014 a software platform for building video games. But the company, which (…)
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Eric Peckham is TechCrunch's Media Columnist. He focuses on analysis of interactive media, non-interactive media, content creation platforms, communications tools, and education. Separate from TechCrunch, he writes the popular Monetizing Media newsletter.
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leaders and startup founders talk how to build a sustainable gig economy"},"content":{"rendered":"
Sobre el pasado En pocos años, las compañías de economía de concierto y el tratamiento de su fuerza laboral se ha convertido en un tema candente para el debate del sector público y privado.
n
At our recent annual Disrupt event in San Francisco, we dug into how founders, companies and the broader community can play a positive role in the gig economy, with help fromu00a0Derecka Mehrens, an executive director atu00a0Asociaciones de trabajo de EE. UU.u00a0and co-founder ofu00a0Silicon Valley Rising u2014 an advocacy campaign focused on fighting for tech worker rights and creating an inclusive tech economy u2014 andu00a0Amanda de Cadenet, founder ofu00a0Girlgaze, una plataforma que conecta a los anunciantes con una red de 200,000 creativos no binarios y de identificación femenina.
n
Derecka y Amanda se sumergió profundamente en el lugar donde las empresas de conciertos no se han quedado cortas, qué están haciendo para enderezar el barco, si las mentalidades de VC y de hipercrecimiento encajan en una economía de conciertos sostenible, así como las ideas sobre el nuevo ‘de UberUber Plataforma de Works y CA AB-5. The following has been lightly edited for length and clarity.
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n
Donde las compañías de conciertos actuales están fallando
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Arman Tabatabai: ¿Cuál fue la promesa original y la propuesta de valor de la economía del concierto? ¿Qué salió mal?
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Derecka Mehrens: La economía del concierto existe en un contexto más amplio, que es uno en el que el neoliberalismo está fallando, la economía de goteo se prueba mal y todos los días los trabajadores no sobreviven y buscan algo más.
n
Entonces, tiene una situación en la que el sistema que armamos para crear empleo, crear nuestras comunidades, construir nuestra vivienda, darnos trabajo es disfuncional. Y dentro de eso, la gente va a llegar a soluciones disruptivas a sus partes con la promesa de resolver un problema. Pero sin una solución más amplia, eso, a nuestro juicio, terminará exacerbando las desigualdades existentes.
n
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Over the past few years, gig economy companies and the treatment of their labor force has become a hot button issue for public and private sector debate. At our recent annual Disrupt event in San Francisco, we dug into how founders, companies and the broader community can play a positive role in the gig economy, (…)
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press for your startup: the true role of communications"},"content":{"rendered":"
n
nt
ntt
ntttttttTim Hsia y Neil DevaninttttttContribuyententt
Bienvenido a esto edición de Los operadores, una columna recurrente de Extra Crunch producida por expertos con experiencia ejecutiva en compañías como AirBnB, Brex, Dropbox, Facebook, Google, Lyft, Slack, Square, Twitter y Uber, compartiendo sus historias e ideas. Itu2019s made for founders who are navigating domains outside their expertise, covering topics they may be learning for the first time like enterprise sales, product management, and finance/accounting.
n
En este episodio:
n
n
¿Cuándo y cómo debe una empresa buscar cobertura de prensa?
n
La diferencia entre marketing y comunicaciones.
n
Construyendo relaciones con reporteros
n
Ser o identificar un gran líder de comunicaciones
n
n
Early on, most founders and investors focus on getting positive press, but if theyu2019re unfortunate or make mistakes, mitigating bad coverage becomes a common goal. En términos generales, las comunicaciones consisten en cómo y qué información compartir, tanto dentro como fuera de la empresa, tocando dominios como la gestión, el reclutamiento, el marketing y el desarrollo empresarial. Itu2019s also highly optimizable and often, mission critical u2014 the difference between dramatic success and catastrophic failure.
n
Hablamos con tres expertos en comunicaciones para obtener más información:
n
n
Sean Garrett fue el primer vicepresidente de comunicaciones de Twitter. Anteriormente trabajó para el gobernador Pete Wilson de California y fundó dos empresas de comunicaciones separadas, con clientes que incluyen a Slack, Cisco y Disney. Heu2019s currently a Managing Partner at Pramana Collective.
n
Faryl Ury es un ex reportero con experiencia en NPR y Associated Press. Su experiencia en comunicaciones también comenzó en el gobierno, trabajando para la senadora estadounidense Jeanne Shaheen antes de administrar comunicaciones en Square y Uber. Luego fue ejecutiva de marketing en Dropbox antes de convertirse en Directora de Comunicaciones en Aurora, una compañía líder de vehículos autónomos, con inversores que incluyen a Sequoia Capital, Amazon y Hyundai.
n
Adi Raval started as a journalist at ABC News and the BBC, covering 9/11, the Iraq War, and the White House. Se trasladó al gobierno como diplomático para el Departamento de Estado que sirve en Afganistán, y más tarde, como portavoz y Director de Comunicaciones en USAID. Después de dejar el gobierno, Adi fue el principal ejecutivo de comunicaciones de Bechtel Corporation, el jefe de comunicaciones y relaciones públicas de TaskRabbit, y ahora el jefe de comunicaciones de Kodiak Robotics. Heu2019s also a term member for the Council on Foreign Relations.
n
n
A continuación se muestra un resumen sintetizado de nuestra conversación; revisa Los operadores para el episodio completo
n
¿Cuándo y cómo debe una empresa buscar cobertura de prensa?
n
A los inversores les encanta ver el reconocimiento público de sus compañías de cartera, y los fundadores a veces creen que la cobertura de prensa resolverá todos sus problemas, produciendo una panacea de clientes entrantes, empleados y nuevos patrocinadores. Whether itu2019s a fundraising announcement or a product launch, more exposure can only help, right? Of course, thatu2019s not always true. No estar preparado para una afluencia de interés entrante puede conducir a malas experiencias y una reputación negativa.
n
¿Qué es más probable que una mala respuesta? No hay respuesta en absoluto: los periodistas son constantemente lanzados por empresarios que buscan cobertura que no tienen una historia convincente que compartir, lo que significa que la mayoría de ellos están preparados para decir "no".
n
Faryl nos dijo que cuando pregunta a los fundadores por qué quieren hacer prensa, a menudo responden: "nuestros inversores nos lo dijeron" o "hablé con otros empresarios y ellos presionan". Estar preparado para la respuesta significa saber lo que quiere la respuesta a ser, que a su vez significa saber lo que tiene que decir y por qué alguien escuchará y responderá de la manera correcta. Thinking through this exercise involves asking questions, said Sean, specifically, u201cwhat is your positioning? ¿Cuál es tu mensaje? And for some organizations, that’s the right first step to figure out, at a high level, what are we even trying to accomplish here…?u201d
n
Tener un propósito claro en mente antes de acercarse a los periodistas también lo ayudará a ejecutar. Para algunas nuevas empresas, aterrizar una historia con la prensa comercial puede ser mejor que ser redactado por una publicación de tecnología generalizada. On the other hand, if youu2019re spending a ton of money on Facebook and Google to advertise directly to consumers, getting coverage in the right publications may be much more efficient and impactful.u00a0
n
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Welcome to this edition of The Operators, a recurring Extra Crunch column produced by insiders with executive experience.
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Does TiVo has a future beyond the DVR?
n
Dave Shull certainly hopes so. The former Weather Channel CEO joined the company as president and CEO back in May, and when I spoke to him last month, he insisted that he’s excited and optimistic about the company’s prospects.
n
In fact, he said the DVR business “is not really TiVo” anymore. And the proliferation of streaming services is exactly what’s creating a big new opportunity for the company, one where it can help consumers navigate the seemingly overwhelming streaming landscape.
n
“Let’s embrace the chaos,” Shull told me. “The more streaming, the better.”
n
In the interview below u2014 which has been edited and condensed for clarity u2014 we discuss why he took on the job, how he plans to split TiVo into two companies and his plans for TiVo+, the company’s ad-supported streaming service (which launched earlier this week.)
n
TechCrunch: It seems like part of the goal with you coming on as CEO is this idea of reinventing the company for the world of streaming.
n
Dave Shull: We fully embrace the streaming wars at TiVo, is what I would say.
n
A little bit of context. I’ve known the company for years, because I’ve been familiar with some of the technology pieces that they had in the IP portfolio. But before I took the job, I talked to CTOs at some of the major operators around the world and said, “TiVo, right? I mean this is a company I’ve heard of, but are they still around?” And the answer consistently was, “Yeah, it’s actually the best technology out there.”
n
So I started talking to the board and eventually I get the job offer. I walk into a Best Buy and I pick up a Roku box and a TiVo box. I install the Roku box. It’s a brilliant installation process, absolutely brilliant. But then what it gives you is a bunch of different tiles for each of the apps. And so you have to figure out, okay, was that show on Netflix or Hulu?
n
The TiVo experience was a little bit u2014 it needed some more work, is the polite way to say it. But once I had it installed, it’s taken my live TV and my on-demand Prime, Netflix, Hulu and some digital content and pulled it all together. That’s pretty cool because it’s allowing me to find the entertainment that I want to watch tonight, right?
n
And so we’re betting on this chaos of applications that are out there with the streaming wars, saying people are having fatigue from subscriptions and they are desperate to find an amazing way to go back to enjoying watching their TV again. They want someone who can bring all this entertainment together u2014 on-demand, live, digital u2014 and make it fun to find, to watch TV again. So that’s our mission. Muy simple.
n
I came in three months ago. The first mandate is, we’ve decided to split the company. So about half of the company is an IP portfolio, 5,000 patents. Then we have the TiVo product base u2014 and everyone thinks of TiVo as this DVR that you buy at Best Buy. That’s really not TiVo, that’s a tiny fraction of our customers. We have 22 million households around the world that use TiVo to provide exactly what I just said, which is this amazing ability to find entertainment.
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Does TiVo has a future beyond the DVR? Dave Shull certainly hopes so. The former Weather Channel CEO joined the company as president and CEO back in May, and when I spoke to him last month, he insisted that he’s excited and optimistic about the company’s prospects. In fact, he said the DVR business “is (…)
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Anthony Ha is a senior writer at TechCrunch, where he covers media and advertising and co-hosts the Original Content podcast. Previously, he worked as a tech writer at Adweek, a senior editor at the tech blog VentureBeat, and a local government reporter at the Hollister Free Lance. He lives in New York City.
Anthony Ha is a senior writer at TechCrunch, where he covers media and advertising and co-hosts the Original Content podcast. Previously, he worked as a tech writer at Adweek, a senior editor at the tech blog VentureBeat, and a local government reporter at the Hollister Free Lance. He lives in New York City.
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Is our age of ubiquitous smartphones and social media turning into an era of mass civil unrest? Two years after holding an independence referendum and unilaterally declaring independence in defiance of the Spanish state — then failing to gain recognition for la repu00fablica and being forced to watch political leaders jailed or exiled — Catalonia’s secessionist movement has resurfaced with a major splash.
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One of the first protest actions programmed by a new online activist group, calling itself Tsunami Democru00e0tic, saw thousands of protestors coalescing on Barcelona airport Monday, in an attempt to shut it down. The protest didn’t quite do that but it did lead to major disruption, with roads blocked by human traffic as protestors walked down the highway and the cancelation of more than 100 flights, plus hours of delays for travellers arriving into El Prat.
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For months leading up to a major Supreme Court verdict on the fate of imprisoned Catalan political leaders a ‘technical elite‘ — as one local political science academic described them this week — has been preparing to reboot Catalonia’s independence movement by developing bespoke, decentralized high-tech protest tools.
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A source with knowledge of Tsunami Democru00e0tic, speaking to TechCrunch on condition of anonymity, told us that “high level developers” located all around the world are involved in the effort, divvying up coding tasks as per any large scale IT project and leveraging open source resources (such as the RetroShare node-based networking platform) to channel grassroots support for independence into a resilient campaign network that can’t be stopped by the arrest of a few leaders.
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Demonstrators at the airport on Monday were responding directly to a call to blockade the main terminal posted to the group’s Telegram channel.
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Additional waves of protest are being planned and programmed via a bespoke Tsunami Democru00e0tic app that was also released this week for Android smartphones — as a sideload, not yet a Google Play download.
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The app is intended to supplement mainstream social network platform broadcasts by mobilizing smaller, localized groups of supporters to carry out peaceful acts of civil disobedience all over Catalonia.
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Our source walked us through the app, which requires location permission to function in order that administrators can map available human resources to co-ordinate protests. We’re told a user’s precise location is not shared but rather that an obfuscated, more fuzzy location marker gets sent. However the app’s source code has not yet been open sourced so users have to take such claims on trust (open sourcing is said to be the plan — but only once the app has been scrubbed of any identifying traces, per the source).
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The app requires a QR code to be activated. This is a security measure intended to manage activation in stages, via trusted circles of acquaintances, to limit the risk of infiltration by state authorities. Though it feels a bit like a viral gamification tactic to encourage people to spread the word and generate publicity organically by asking their friends if they have a code or not.
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Whatever it’s really for the chatter seems to be working. During our meeting over coffee we overheard a group of people sitting at another table talking about the app. And at the time of writing Tsunami Democru00e0tic has announced 15,000 successful QR code activations so far. Though it’s not clear how successful the intended flashmob civil disobedience game-plan will be at this nascent stage.
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Once activated, app users are asked to specify their availability (i.e. days and times of day) for carrying out civil disobedience actions. And to specify if they own certain mobility resources which could be utilized as part of a protest (e.g. car, scooter, bike, tractor).
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Examples of potential actions described to us by our source were go-slows to bring traffic grinding to a halt and faux shopping sprees targeting supermarkets where activists could spend a few hours piling carts high with goods before leaving them abandoned in the store for someone else to clean up.
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One actual early action carried out by activists from the group last month targeted a branch of the local CaixaBank with a masked protestor sit-in.
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Our source said the intention is to include a pop-up in the app as a sort of contract of conscience which asks users to confirm participation in the organized chaos will be entirely peaceful. Here’s an example of what the comprometo looks like:
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Users are also asked to confirm both their intention to participate in a forthcoming action (meaning the app will capture attendance numbers for protests ahead of time) and to check in when they get there so its administrators can track actual participation in real-time.
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The app doesn’t ask for any personal data during onboarding — there’s no account creation etc — although users are agreeing to their location being pervasively tracked.
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And it’s at least possible that other personal data could be passed via, for example, a comment submission field that lets people send feedback on actions. Or if the app ends up recording other data via access to smartphone sensors.
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The other key point is that users only see actions related to their stated availability and tracked location. So, from a protestor’s point of view, they see only a tiny piece of the Tsunami Democru00e0tic protest program. The user view is decentralized and information is distributed strictly piecemeal, on a need to know basis.
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Behind the scenes — where unknown administrators are accessing its data and devising and managing protest actions to distribute via the app — there may be an entirely centralized view of available human protest resources. But it’s not clear what the other side of the platform looks like. Our source was unable to show it to us or articulate what it looks like.
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Certainly, administrators are in a position to cancel planned actions if, for example, there’s not enough participation — meaning they can invisibly manage external optics around engagement with the cause. Not enough foot soldiers for a planned protest? Just call it off quietly via the app.
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Also not at all clear: Who the driving forces are behind the Tsunami Democru00e0tic protest mask?
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“There is no thinking brain, there are many brains,” a spokesman for the movement told the El diario newspaper this week. But that does raise pretty major questions about democratic legitimacy. Because, well, if you’re claiming to be fighting for democracy by mobilizing popular support, and you’re doing it from inside a Western democracy, can you really claim that while your organization remains in the shadows?
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Even if your aim is non-violent political protest, and your hierarchy is genuinely decentralized, which is the suggestive claim here, unless you’re offering transparency of structure so as to make your movement’s composition and administration visible to outside scrutiny (so that your claims of democratic legitimacy can be independently verified) then individual protestors (the app’s end users) just have to take your word for it.
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End users who are being crowdsourced and coopted to act out via app instruction as if they’re pawns on a high tech chess board. They are also being asked (implicitly) to shoulder direct personal risk in order that a faceless movement generates bottom up political pressure.
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So there’s a troubling contradiction here for a movement that has chosen to include the word ‘democractic’ in its name. (The brand is a reference to a phase used by jailed Catalan cultural leader, Jordi Cuixart.) Who or what is powering this wave?
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We also now know all too well how the double-sided nature of platforms means these fast-flowing technosocial channels can easily be misappropriated by motivated interest groups to gamify and manipulate opinion (and even action) en masse. This has been made amply clear in recent years with political disinformation campaigns mushrooming into view all over the online place.
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So while emoji-strewn political protest messages calling for people to mobilize at a particular street corner might seem a bit of harmless ‘Pokemon Go’-style urban fun, the upshot can — and this week has — been far less predictable and riskier than its gamified packaging might suggest.
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Plenty of protests have gone off peacefully, certainly. Others — often those going on after dusk and late into the night — have devolved into ugly scenes and destructive clashes.
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There is clearly a huge challenge for decentralized movements (and indeed technologies) when it comes to creating legitimate governance structures that don’t simply repeat the hierarchies of the existing (centralized) authorities and systems they’re seeking to challenge.
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The anarchy-loving crypto community’s inability to coalesce around a way to progress with blockchain technology looks like its own self-defeating irony. A faceless movement fighting for ‘democracy’ from behind an app mask that allows its elite string-pullers and data crunchers to remain out of sight risks looking like another.
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None of the protestors we’ve spoken to could say for sure who’s behind Tsunami Democru00e0tic. One suggested it’s just “citizens” or else the same people who helped organize the 2017 Catalan independence referendum — managing the movement of ballot papers into and out of an unofficial network of polling stations so that votes could be collected and counted despite Spanish authorities’ best efforts to seize and destroy them.
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There was also a sophisticated technology support effort at the time to support the vote and ensure information about polling stations remained available in the face of website takedowns by the Spanish state.
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Our source was equally vague when asked who is behind the Tsunami Democru00e0tic app. Which, if the decentralizing philosophy does indeed run right through the network — as a resilience strategy to protect its members from being ratted out to the police — is what you’d expected.
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Any single node wouldn’t know or want to know much of other nodes. But that just leaves a vacuum at the core of the thing which looks alien to democratic enquiry.
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One thing Tsunami Democru00e0tic has been at pains to make plain in all (visible) communications to its supporters is that protests must be peaceful. But, again, while technology tools are great enablers itu2019s not always clear exactly what fire youu2019re lighting once momentum is pooled and channeled. And protests which started peacefully this week have devolved into running battles with police with missiles being thrown, fires lit and rubber bullets fired.
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Some reports have suggested overly aggressive police response to crowds gathering has triggered and flipped otherwise calm protestors. What’s certain is there are injuries on both sides. Today almost 100 people were reported to have been hurt across three nights of protest action. A general strike and the biggest manifestation yet is planned for Friday in Barcelona. So the city is braced for more trouble as smartphone screens blink with fresh protest instructions.
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Social media is of course a conduit for very many things. At its most corporate and anodyne its stated mission can be expressed flavorlessly — as with Facebook’s claimed purpose of u2018connecting peopleu2019. (Though distracting and/or outraging is often closer to the mark.)
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In practice, thanks to human nature — so that means political agendas, financial interests and all the rest of our various and frequently conflicting desires u2014 all sorts of sparks can fly. None more visibly than during mass mobilizations where groups with a shared agenda rapidly come together to amplify a cause and agitate for change.
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Even movements that start with the best intentions — and put their organizers and administration right out in the open for all to see and query — can lose control of outcomes.
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Not least because malicious outsiders often seize the opportunity to blend in and act out, using the cover of an organized protest to create a violent disturbance. (And there have been some reports filtering across Catalan social media claiming right wing thugs have been causing trouble and that secret police are intentionally stirring things up to smear the movement.)
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BARCELONA, SPAIN – OCTOBER 17: Protesters take to the streets to demonstrate after the Spanish Supreme Court sentenced nine Catalan separatist leaders to between 9 and 13 years in prison for their role of the 2017 failed Catalan referendum on October 17, 2019 in Barcelona, Spain. (Photo by Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images)
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So if a highly charged political campaign is being masterminded and micromanaged remotely, by unknown entities shielded behind screens, there are many more questions we need to be asking about where the balance of risk and power lies, as well as whether a badge of ‘pro-democracy’ can really be justified.
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For Tsunami Democru00e0tic and Catalonia’s independence movement generally this week’s protests look to be just the start of a dug-in, tech-fuelled guerrilla campaign of civil disobedience — to try to force a change of political weather. Spain also has yet another general election looming so the timing offers the whiff of opportunity.
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The El Prat blockade that kicked off the latest round of Catalan unrest seemed intended to be a flashy opening drama. To mirror and reference the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong — which made the international airport there a focal point for its own protests, occupying the terminal building and disrupting flights in an attempt to draw the world’s attention to their plight.
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In a further parallel with protests in Hong Kong a crowdsourced map similar to HKmaps.live — the app that dynamically maps street closures and police presence by overlaying emoji onto a city view — is also being prepared for Catalonia by those involved in the pro-independence movement.
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At the time of writing a handful of emoji helicopters, road blocks and vans are visible on a map of Barcelona. Tapping on an emoji brings up dated details such as what a police van was doing and whether it had a camera. A verified status suggests multiple reports will be required before an icon is displayed. We understand people will be able to report street activity for live-mapping via a Telegram bot.
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Screenshot of Catalan live map for crowdsourcing street intel
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Our source suggested police presence on the map might be depicted by chick emojis. Aka Piolu00edn: The Spanish name for the Loony Tunes cartoon character Tweety Pie — a reference to a colorfully decorated cruise ship used to house scores of Spanish national police in Barcelona harbor during the 2017 referendum, providing instant meme material. Though the test version we’ve seen seems to be using a mixture of dogs and chicks.
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Along with the Tsunami Democru00e0tic app the live map means there will soon be two bespoke tools supporting a campaign of civil disobedience whose unknown organizers clearly hope will go the distance.
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As we’ve said, the identities of the people coordinating the rebooted movement remain unclear. It’s also unclear who if anyone is financing it.
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Our source suggested technical resources to run and maintain the apps are being crowdsourced by volunteers. But some commentators argue that a source of funding would be needed to support everything that’s being delivered, technically and logistically. The app certainly seems far more sophisticated than a weekend project job.
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There has been some high level public expressions of support for Tsunami Democru00e0tic — such as from former Barcelona football club trainer, Pep Guardiola, who this week put out a video badged with the Tsunami D logo in which he defends the democratic right to assembly and protest, warning that free speech is being threatened and claiming “Spain is experiencing a drift towards authoritarianism”. So wealthy backers of Catalan independence aren’t exactly hard to find.
Whoever is involved behind the scenes — whether with financing or just technical and organization support — it’s clear that ‘free’ protest energy is being liberally donated to the cause by a highly engaged population of pro-independence supporters.
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Grassroots support for Catalan independence is both plentiful, highly engaged, geographically dispersed and cuts across generations — sometimes in surprising ways. One mother we spoke to who said she was too ill to go to Monday’s airport protest recounted her disappointment when her teenage kids told her they weren’t going because they wanted to finish their homework.
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Very many protestors did go though, answering calls to action in their messaging apps or via the printable posters made available online by Tsunami Democru00e0tic which some street protestors have been pictured holding.
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Thousands of demonstrators occupied the main Barcelona airport terminal building, sat and sang protest songs, daubed quasi apologetic messages on the windows in English (saying a lack of democracy is worse than missing a flight), and faced off to lines of police in riot gear — including units of Spanish national police discharging rubber bullets. One protestor was later reported by local press to have lost an eye.
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‘It’s time to make our voice heard in the world,’ runs Tsunami Democru00e0tic’s message on Telegram calling for a blockade of the airport. It then sets out the objective (an airport shut down) and instructs supporters that all forms of transport are “valid” to further the mission of disrupting business as usual. ‘Share and see you all at T1!’ it ends. Around 240,000 people saw the instruction, per Telegram’s ephemeral view counts.
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Demonstrators during a protest against the jailing of Catalan separatists at El Prat airport in Barcelona, Spain, on Monday, Oct. 14, 2019. (Photo by Iranzu Larrasoana Oneca/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
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Later the same evening the channel sent another message instructing protestors to call it a night. ‘Today we have been a tsunami,’ it reads in Catalan. ‘We will make every victory a mobilization. We have started a cycle of non-violent, civil disobedience.’ At the time of writing that follow-on missive has registered 300k+ views.
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While Tsunami Democru00e0tic is just one of multiple pro-independence groups arranging and mobilizing regional protests — such as the CDRs, aka Comites de Defensa de la Republica, which have been blocking highways in Catalonia for the past two years — it’s quickly garnered majority momentum since quietly uncloaking this summer.
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Its Telegram channel — which was only created in August — has piled on followers in recent weeks. Other pro-independence groups are also sharing news and distributing plans over Telegram’s platform and, more widely, on social media outlets such as twitter. Though none has amassed such a big following, nor indeed with such viral speed.
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Even Anonymous Catalonia’s Telegram channel, which has been putting out a steady stream of unfiltered crowdsourced protest content this week — replete with videos of burning bins, siren blaring police vans and scattering crowds, interspersed with photos of empty roads (successful blockades) and the odd rubber bullet wound — only has a ‘mere’ 100k+ subscribers.
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And while Facebook-owned WhatsApp was a major first source of protest messaging around the 2017 Catalan referendum, with Telegram just coming on stream as an alternative for trying to communicate out of sight of the Spanish state, the protest mobilization baton appears to have been passed more fully to Telegram now.
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Perhaps that’s partly due to an element of mistrust around mainstream platforms controlled by tech giants who might be leant on by states to block content (Tsunami Democru00e0tic has said it doesn’t yet have an iOS version of its app, despite many requests for one, because the ‘politics of the App Store is very restrictive’ — making a direct reference to Apple pulling the HKmaps app from its store) Whereas Telegram’s founder, Pavel Durov, is famously resistant to authoritarian state power.
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Though, most likely, it’s a result of some powerful tools Telegram provides for managing and moderating channels.
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The upshot is Telegram’s messaging platform has enjoyed a surge in downloads in Spain during this month’s regional unrest — as WhatsApp-loving locals flirt with a rival platform also in response to calls from their political channels to get on Telegram for detailed instructions of the next demo.
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Per App Annie, Telegram has leapt up the top free downloads charts for Google Play in Spain — rising from eleventh place into the third spot this month. While, for iOS, it’s holding steady in the top free downloads slot.
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Also growing in parallel: Unrest on Catalonia’s streets.
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Since Monday’s airport protest tensions have certainly escalated. Roads across the region have been blockaded. Street furniture and vehicles torched. DIY missiles thrown at charging police.
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By Thursday morning there were reports of police firing teargas and police vehicles being driven at high speed around protesting crowds of youths. Two people were reported run over.
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Anti-riot police officers shoot against protesters after a demonstration called by the local Republic Defence Committees (CDR) in Barcelona on October 17, 2019. – After years of peaceful separatist demonstrations, violence finally exploded on the Catalan streets this week, led by activists frustrated by the political paralysis and infuriated by the Supreme Court’s conviction of nine of its leaders over a failed independence bid. (Photo by LLUIS GENE / AFP) (Photo by LLUIS GENE/AFP via Getty Images)
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Helicopters have become a routine sound ripping up the urban night sky. While the tally of injury counts continues rising on both sides. And all the while there are countless videos circulating on social media to be sifted through to reinforce your own point of view — screening looping clashes between protestors and baton wielding police. One video doing the rounds last night appeared to show protestors targeting a police helicopter with fireworks. Russian propaganda outlets have of course been quick to seize on and amplify divisive visuals.
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The trigger for a return to waves of technology-fuelled civil disobedience — as were also seen across Catalonia around the time of the 2017 referendum — are lengthy prison terms handed down by Spain’s Supreme Court on Monday. Twelve political and civic society leaders involved in the referendum were convicted, nine on charges of sedition and misuse of public funds. None were found guilty of the more serious charge of rebellion — but the sentences were still harsh, ranging from 13 years to nine.
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The jailed leaders — dubbed presos polu00edtics (aka political prisoners) by Catalan society, which liberally deploys yellow looped-ribbons as a solidarity symbol in support of the presos — had already spent almost two years in prison without bail.
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UNA report this week in El diario, citing a source in Tsunami Democru00e0tic, suggests the activist movement was established in response to a growing feeling across the region’s independence movement that a new way of mobilizing and carrying out protests was needed in the wake of the failed 2017 independence bid.
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The expected draconian Supreme Court verdict marked a natural start-date for the reboot.
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A reboot has been necessary because, with so many of its figureheads in prison — and former Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in exile in Brussels — there has been something of a leadership vacuum for the secessionist cause.
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That coupled with a sense of persecution at the hands of a centralized state which suspended Catalonia’s regional autonomy in the wake of the illegal referendum, invoking a ‘nuclear option’ constitutional provision to dismiss the government and call fresh elections, likely explains why the revived independence movement has been taking inspiration from blockchain-style decentralization.
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Our source also told us blockchain thinking has informed the design and structure of the app.
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Discussing the developers who have pulled the app together they said it’s not only a passionately engaged Catalan techie diaspora, donating their time and expertise to help civic society respond to what’s seen as long-standing political persecution, but — more generally — coders and technologists with an interest in participating in what they hope will be the largest experiment in participatory democracy and peaceful civil disobedience.
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The source pointed to investigación conducted by Erica Chenoweth, a political scientist at Harvard University, who found non-violent, civil disobedience campaigns to be a far more powerful way of shaping world politics than violence. She also found such campaigns need engage only 3.5% of the population to succeed. And at 300k+ subscribers Tsunami Democru00e0tic’s Telegram channel may have already passed that threshold, given the population of Catalonia is only around 7.6M.
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It sounds like some of the developers helping the movement are being enticed by the prospect of applying powerful mobile platform technologies to a strong political cause as a way to stress testing democratic structures — and perhaps play at reconfiguring them. If the tools are successful at capturing intention and sustaining action and so engaging and activating citizens in a long term political campaign.
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We’re told the stated intention to open source the app is also a goal in order to make it available for other causes to pick up and use to press for change. Which does start to sound a little bit like regime change as a service…
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Stepping back, there is also a question of whether micromanaged civic disobedience is philosophically different to more organic expressions of discontent.
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There is an element of non-violent protest being weaponized against an opponent when you’re running it via an app. Because the participants are being remotely controlled and coordinated at a distance, at the same time as ubiquitous location-sensitive mobile technologies mean the way in which the controlling entity speaks to them can be precisely targeted to push their buttons and nudge action.
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Yes, it’s true that the right to peaceful assembly and protest is a cornerstone of democracy. Nor is it exactly a new phenomenon that mobile technology has facilitated this democratic expression. In journalist Giles Tremlett’s travelogue book about his adopted country, Ghosts of Spain, he recounts how in the days following the 2004 Madrid train bombings anonymous text messages started to spread via mobile phone — leading to mass, spontaneous street demonstrations.
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At the time there were conflicting reports of who was responsible for the bombings, as the government sought to blame the Basque terrorist group ETA for what would turn out to be the work of Islamic terrorists. Right on the eve of an election voters in Spain were faced with a crucial political decision — having just learnt that the police had in fact arrested three Moroccans for the bomb attacks, suggesting the government had been lying.
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“A new political phenomenon was born that day — the instant text message demonstration,” Tremlett writes. “Anonymous text messages began to fly from mobile phone to mobile phone. They became known as the pu00e1salo messages, because each ended with an exhortation to ‘Pass it on’. It was like chain mail, but instant.”
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More than fifteen years on from those early days of consumer mobile technology and SMS text messaging, instant now means so much more than it did — with almost everyone in a wealthy Western region like Catalonia carrying a powerful, Internet-connected computer and streaming videocamera in their pocket.
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Modern mobile technology turns humans into high tech data nodes, capable of receiving and transmitting information. So a protestor now can not only opt in to instructions for a targeted action but respond and receive feedback in a way that makes them feel personally empowered.
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From one perspective, what’s emerging from high tech ‘push button’ smartphone-enabled protest movements, like we’re now seeing in Catalonia and Hong Kong, might seem to represent the start of a new model for democratic participation — as the old order of representative democracy fails to keep pace with changing political tastes and desires, just as governments can’t keep up technologically.
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But the risk is it’s just a technological elite in the regime-change driving seat. Which sums to governance not by established democratic processes but via the interests of a privileged elite with the wealth and expertise to hack the system and create new ones that can mobilize citizens to act like pawns.
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Established democratic processes may indeed be flawed and in need of a degree of reform but they have also been developed and stress-tested over generations. Which means they have layers of accountability checks and balances baked in to try to balance out competing interests.
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Throwing all that out in favor of a ‘democracy app’ sounds like the sort of disruption Facebook has turned into an infamous dark art.
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For individual protestors, then, who are participating as willing pawns in this platform-enabled protest, you might call it selfie-style self-determination; they get to feel active and present; they experience the spectacle of political action which can be instantly and conveniently snapped for channel sharing with other mobilized friends who then reflect social validation back. But by doing all that they’re also giving up their agency.
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Because all this ‘protest’ action is flowing across the surface of an asymmetric platform. The infrastructure natively cloaks any centralized interests and at very least allows opaque forces to push a cause at cheap scale.
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“I felt so small,” one young female protestor told us, recounting via WhatsApp audio message, what had gone down during a protest action in Barcelona yesterday evening. Things started out fun and peaceful, with participants encouraged to toss toilet rolls up in the air — because, per the organizer’s messaging, ‘there’s a lot of shit to clean up’ — but events took a different turn later, as protestors moved to another location and some began trying to break into a police building.
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A truck arrived from a side street being driven by protestors who used it to blockade the entrance to the building to try to stop police getting out. Police warning shots were fired into the air. Then the Spanish national police turned up, driving towards the crowd at high speed and coming armed with rubber not foam bullets.
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Faced with a more aggressive police presence the crowd tried to disperse — creating a frightening crush in which she was caught up. “I was getting crushed all the time. It wasn’t fun,” she told us. “We moved away but there was a huge mass of people being crushed the whole time.”
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“What was truly scary weren’t the crowds or the bullets, it was not knowing what was going on,” she added.
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Yet, despite the fear and uncertainty, she was back out on the streets to protest again the next night — armedu00a0 with a smartphone.
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Enric Luju00e1n, a PhD student and adjunct professor in political science at the University of Barcelona — and also the guy whose incisive Twitter thread fingers the forces behind the Tsunami Democru00e0tic app as a “technological elite” — argues that the movement has essentially created a “human botnet”. This feels like a questionable capability for a pro-democracy movement when combined with its own paradoxically closed structure.
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Divendres, dia de vaga general, una petita elit polu00edtica i tecnolu00f2gica ja hauru00e0 adquirit la capacitat operativa per paralitzar tot el pau00eds llanu00e7ant convocatu00f2ries descentralitzades i en temps real des de la mu00e9s extrema opacitat.
“The intention appears to be to group a mass movement under a label which, paradoxically, is opaque, which carries the real risk of a lack of internal democracy,” Luju00e1n tells TechCrunch. “There is a basic paradox in Tsunami Democru00e0tic. That it’s a pro-democracy movement where: 1) the ‘core’ that decides actions is not accessible to other supporters; 2) it has the word ‘Democru00e0tic’ in its name but its protocols as an organization are extremely vertical and are in the hands of an elite that decides the objectives and defines the timing of mobilization; 3) it’s ‘deterritorialized’ with respect to the local reality (unlike the CDRs): opacity and verticality would allow them to lead the entire effort from outside the country.”
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Luju00e1n believes the movement is essentially a continuation of the same organizing forces which drove support for pro-independence political parties around the 2017 referendum — such as the Catalan cultural organization u00d2mnium — now coming back together after a period of “strategic readjustment”.
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“Shortly after the conclusion of the referendum, through the arrest of its political leaders, the independence movement was ‘decapitated’ and there were months of political paralysis,” he says, arguing that this explains the focus on applying mobile technology in a way that allows for completely anonymous orchestration of protests, as a strategy to protect itself from further arrests.
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“This strategic option, of course, entails lack of public scrutiny of the debates and decisions, which is a problem and involves treating people as ‘pawns’ or ‘human botnets’ acting under your direction,” he adds.
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He is also critical of the group not having opened the app’s code which has made it difficult to understand exactly how user data is being handled by the app and whether or not there are any security flaws. Essentially, there is no simple way for outsiders to validate trustworthiness.
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His analysis of the app’s APK raises further questions. Luju00e1n says he believes it also requests microphone permissions in addition to location and camera access (the latter for reading the QR code).
n
Our source told us that as far as they are aware the app does not access the microphone by default. Though screenshots of requested permissions which have circulated on social media show a toggle where microphone access seems as if it can be enabled.
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Qualsevol empresa ho pot fer amb apps q passen el filtre Google Play. I d moment, sense haver denegat cap permu00eds, de forma predeterminada nomu00e9s estan activats la ubicaciu00f3 (amb un motiu q ja has explicat) i la cu00e0mera (per escanejar el QR, amb la qual cosa ja podru00eda descativar-lo). pic.twitter.com/TMgQcN402q
And, as Luju00e1n points out, the prospect of a powerful and opaque entity with access to the real-time location of thousands of people plus the ability to remotely activate smartphone cameras and microphones to surveil people’s surroundings does sound pretty close to the plot of a Black Mirror episode…
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n
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Les similituds amb un capu00edtol de Black Mirror su00f3n, evidentment, esfereu00efdores: Una entitat de la que no sabem res (excepte el seu alt nivell de sofisticaciu00f3 tecnolu00f2gica) u00e9s a punt de guanyar el control efectiu de tot un territori, operant des de la mu00e9s absoluta foscor.
Asked whether he believes weu2019re seeing an emergent model for a more participatory, grassroots form of democracy enabled by modern mobile technologies or a powerful techie elite playing at reconfiguring existing power structures by building and distributing systems that keep them shielded from democratic view where they can nudge others to spread their message, he says he leans towards the latter.
n
“It’s a movement with an elite leadership that seems to have had a clear timetable for months. It remains to be seen what they’ll be able to do. But it is clearly not spontaneous (the domain of the website was registered in July) and the application needed months to develop,” he notes. “I am not clear that it can be or was ‘crowdsourced’ — as far as I know, there was no campaign to finance Tsunami or their technological solutions.”
n
“Release the code,” he adds. “I don’t understand why they haven’t released it. Promising it is easy and is what you expect if you want to present yourself with a minimum of transparency, but there is no defined deadline to do so. For now we have to work with the APK, which is more cumbersome to understand how the app works and how it uses and moves user data.”
n
“I imagine it is so the police cannot investigate thoroughly, but it also means others lose the possibility of better understanding how a product that’s been designed by people who rely on anonymity works, and have to rely that the elite technologists in charge of developing the app have not committed any security breach.”
n
So, here too, more questions and more uncertainty.
n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Is our age of ubiquitous smartphones and social media turning into an era of mass civil unrest? Two years after holding an independence referendum and unilaterally declaring independence in defiance of the Spanish state — then failing to gain recognition for la repu00fablica and being forced to watch political leaders jailed or exiled — Catalonia’s (…)
Natasha is a senior reporter for TechCrunch, joining September 2012, based in Europe. She joined TC after a stint reviewing smartphones for CNET UK and, prior to that, more than five years covering business technology for silicon.com (now folded into TechRepublic), where she focused on mobile and wireless, telecoms & networking, and IT skills issues. She has also freelanced for organisations including The Guardian and the BBC. Natasha holds a First Class degree in English from Cambridge University, and an MA in journalism from Goldsmiths College, University of London.
Natasha is a senior reporter for TechCrunch, joining September 2012, based in Europe. She joined TC after a stint reviewing smartphones for CNET UK and, prior to that, more than five years covering business technology for silicon.com (now folded into TechRepublic), where she focused on mobile and wireless, telecoms & networking, and IT skills issues. She has also freelanced for organisations including The Guardian and the BBC. Natasha holds a First Class degree in English from Cambridge University, and an MA in journalism from Goldsmiths College, University of London.
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